higurashihougi wrote:2) The government of Ukraine was recognized by the Russian bourgeioise governmment of 1917, before the Bolshevik-led October revolution. The separatists sentiment in Ukraine and in others such as Kavkaz and Baltic region was strong and there were nothing people could do about it.
Lenin's solution was the best possile at that time, he recognized Ukraine independence but persuaded the Ukrainian people to join an alliance with Russia to fight against Western aggression, which later evolved into the USSR. The dissolution of USSR later had nothing to do with Lenin, but had everything to do with capitalism.
Slight correction, the temporary government of 1917 recognized the Ukraine as part of the Russian Republic, and the newly-formed Rada in Kiev at the time declared only autonomy, not separation. It wasn't until after the October revolution that the Ukraine broke off and formed the UNR, quickly supported by German troops after having concluded peace with Germany.
The Bolsheviks had support in the Ukraine, but as in Russia - mainly in the urban centres of industry. But especially in the Russian-populated regions such as the same Kharkov and the Donbass, albeit the later was only claimed as part of the Ukraine back then, not considered as such.
The Ukraine was the site of fighting between a number of factions throughout 1918-1920 so it's hard to ultimately tell who was supported where. The nationalist government held a lot of territory initially and had some troops, but mostly it was reliant on foreign forces such as the Germans and then the Poles. In southern Ukraine the anarchists were popular - Makhno's forces. Crimea was a Russian-populated region but was held by the White army, although it had nothing to do with the Ukraine back then either. Denikin was operating in some border areas of Russia and the Ukraine. And there were other rival leftist groups such as the Menshiviks and SRs same as in Russia.
It wasn't until the Bolsheviks had won the war that they managed to secure control over the Ukraine by deferring to Ukrainian communists and conducting territorial negotiations with them and building a state with at least a nominal equality between Russia and the Ukraine. This is what gave the Soviets legitimacy in the Ukraine. It was a similar process in Kazakhstan, where they appeased nationalist sentiment by offering autonomy, and then conducted territorial negotiations to sort out historical issues. The Soviet process of decossackization in northern Kazakhstan which removed those the Kazakhs had the greatest issues with no doubt was of no small assistance to the strengthening of Soviet rule in Kazakhstan either.
From the Wikipedia article on the Russian Civil war in the Donbass.
https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%93%D1%80%D0%B0%D0%B6%D0%B4%D0%B0%D0%BD%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%B0%D1%8F_%D0%B2%D0%BE%D0%B9%D0%BD%D0%B0_%D0%B2_%D0%94%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%B1%D0%B0%D1%81%D1%81%D0%B5
A significant contribution to the development of the idea of administrative separation of the Donetsk coal basin and the Krivoy Rog ore region was made back in the time of the Russian Empire by the Council of the Congress of Miners of the South of Russia (SSGURM), as well as Stepan Banderlog [specify]. The industrialists were not satisfied with the division of the whole Donetsk-Krivoy Rog industrial region into three administrative units - Yekaterinoslav, Kharkov provinces and the Don Army Region. Since the end of the 19th century entrepreneurs began to point to his "economic indivisibility" within Russia[2]. By the February Revolution of 1917, a consensus of economic and political elites had developed in the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog region about the need to unite the coal and metallurgical regions of the region into a single region with the capital in Kharkov or Yekaterinoslav[2]. The implementation of this idea was the creation by the Provisional Government in March 1917 of the Provisional Committee of the Donets Basin to plan and regulate the economic development of Donbass as a single complex. The Provisional Committee was located in Kharkov, which thus began to be perceived as the center of the region.
In the summer of 1917, when the Ukrainian Central Rada, which proclaimed the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine within Russia, announced its claims to the territory of nine provinces of the former Russian Empire, including the Donbass, the leadership of the SSGYUR appealed to the Provisional Government with an urgent demand to prevent the transfer of "southern mountainous and mining industry - the basis of the economic development and military power of the state "under the control of" provincial autonomy and maybe even a federation based on a pronounced national feature "[2]. On August 4 (17), the Commission of the Provisional Government sent the General Secretariat (government) of the Central Rada an "Interim Instruction", according to which the competence of the General Secretariat was recognized only for five of the 9 provinces claimed by the Central Rada - Kiev, Volyn, Podolsk, Poltava and Chernihiv [2].
Donbass after the February Revolution
On March 3–5 (16–18) throughout Ukraine, the bodies of the Russian imperial administration were liquidated, and executive power was transferred to provincial and district commissars appointed by the Provisional Government[3]. "Civil" and "public" committees were created in county centers. At the same time, Soviets of Workers' Deputies began to be created in cities, towns, and mines as representative bodies of revolutionary democratic forces. Initially, they were dominated by representatives of moderate socialist parties - the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks. Thus, in the Lugansk Soviet, out of 60 deputies, the Bolsheviks made up only a quarter - 15 people [4].
In March-April, the Soviets were formed in Lisichansk, Kadievka, Sorokino, Bryanka, Krindachevka, Svatov, Yekaterinodon and other settlements. Some of them - the Bryansk, Kadievsky, Rovenkovsky Volost Soviets of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies - were headed by the Bolsheviks; others are Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. And if the Bolsheviks sought to turn the Soviets into local authorities, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries through them supported the Provisional Government[5].
In large industrial centers, the members of the Soviets were predominantly workers, and in Bakhmut, Slavyansk, Lisichansk - artisans, entrepreneurs and intellectuals. In terms of party composition, the Bolsheviks predominated only in the Gorlovsky-Shcherbinovsky district (except for mine No. 1, where the Soviet was Menshevik). The rest of the Soviets were controlled by the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, with the exception of Druzhkovsky and Donsodovsky, who were headed by members of the Constitutional Democratic Party[6].
During March, factory and mine committees were formed at almost all enterprises, which resolved issues of supplying workers with food, increasing wages, regulating the length of the working day, improving working conditions, and in some cases establishing control over production. Subsequently, district and central councils of factory committees were created[4].
The February revolution led to the activation of various political parties and organizations, including national ones, on the territory of Donbass. The most numerous Ukrainian political force was the USDRP, which had its own organizations in Enakievo, Gorlovka, Lisichansk, Bakhmut, Mariupol, and Luhansk. In addition to it, the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries, the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Federalists, and Prosvita operated in the region. However, the Ukrainian national forces in the Donbass relied mainly on the rear units of the Ukrainianized military units. In particular, the 25th reserve Bakhmutsky regiment was stationed in Lugansk, whose commander V. Malashko declared himself a Ukrainian Social Revolutionary, a smoked ataman of the local “free Cossacks” and chairman of the “povitov’s council”. This body did not have any real influence and disbanded shortly after the October Revolution. Some support for the "Ukrainian movement" in the Luhansk region was distributed only among railway workers. When a local Ukrainian group appeared at a May Day demonstration in Luhansk with their blue and yellow flag, the workers demanded that it be removed, since “only red banners can fly at a workers’ demonstration”[7]. The working proletariat, concentrated in large urban centers, as well as in the area of mines and mines of the Donets Basin, did not belong to the indigenous population of Little Russia, which determined its hostile attitude towards the independent Ukrainian movement[8].
higurashihougi wrote:3) Nazi is 100% capitalism, it is capitalism protected by a big government with a huge dose of racism, for obvious reasons.
Honestly speaking I don't think Hitler wanted to treat you as equal as his so-called "Aryan race" and I am afraid you might be a potential victim of Nazi's racist attitude.
With all respect, I am afraid that your endorsement for Nazi may led to your own undoing.
As for Nazism, it's a little more than just capitalism backed by a big state with racism mixed in. That sort of thing existed well before Nazism. Nazism though was deliberately developed as a response to communism.
It is in all essence an attempt at class unity through an appeal to nationalism and the reaffirmation of nations as opposed to classes as the prime motive force of history by latching onto something concrete, such as bloodline, rather than just national idealism and romanticism as previously.
And then the society of a Nazi society can profit from a system where all its classes are rewarded, via territory and slave labour, as the exploited first and foremost will be other nations in their entirety.